Bu c\u00fcmleler ilk bak\u0131\u015fta bir zay\u0131fl\u0131k tablosu \u00e7iziyor gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de, asl\u0131nda d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninin nas\u0131l kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131klar \u00fczerine kuruldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor. Dahas\u0131, bu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n tek y\u00f6nl\u00fc de\u011fil; \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc ve dinamik bir g\u00fc\u00e7 oyununa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc de hat\u0131rlat\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
T\u00fcrkiye: NATO\u2019nun sadece askeri g\u00fcc\u00fc de\u011fil, stratejik pusulas\u0131<\/p>\n\n\n\n
T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin NATO i\u00e7indeki rol\u00fc \u00e7o\u011fu zaman askeri kapasite \u00fczerinden de\u011ferlendirilir. Oysa as\u0131l mesele co\u011frafi konumun sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 stratejik \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck ve ittifak\u0131n karar alma mekanizmas\u0131ndaki veto g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Karadeniz\u2019den Do\u011fu Akdeniz\u2019e, Orta Do\u011fu\u2019dan Kafkasya\u2019ya uzanan geni\u015f hatta T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yoklu\u011fu, NATO\u2019yu sadece sahada de\u011fil, diplomatik masada da zay\u0131flat\u0131yor. Ukrayna sava\u015f\u0131, enerji koridorlar\u0131, g\u00f6\u00e7 y\u00f6netimi, tah\u0131l koridoru gibi konular T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin nas\u0131l bir zorunluluk de\u011fil, kilit oldu\u011funu tekrar g\u00f6sterdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ancak burada g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7an bir ba\u015fka ger\u00e7ek daha var:
T\u00fcrkiye NATO i\u00e7in oldu\u011fu kadar, NATO da T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in bir g\u00fc\u00e7 \u00e7arpan\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ankara\u2019n\u0131n ittifak i\u00e7indeki a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131, yaln\u0131zca askeri de\u011fil, siyasi bir etki alan\u0131 yarat\u0131yor. Yani mesele \u201cNATO T\u00fcrkiye olmadan sava\u015famaz\u201d demek de\u011fil;
T\u00fcrkiye olmadan NATO karar veremez, y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc belirleyemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ABD tablosu: Ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k m\u0131, tercih mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ABD olmadan savunma yapamayaca\u011f\u0131 uzun s\u00fcredir dile getiriliyor. Bu tespit teknik olarak do\u011fru: Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n savunma sanayii par\u00e7al\u0131, n\u00fckleer kapasitesi s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131, lojistik altyap\u0131s\u0131 eksik. Fakat daha radikal bir soruyu sormadan bu tabloyu anlamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Avrupa ger\u00e7ekten ABD\u2019ye mecbur mu, yoksa risk almak istemedi\u011fi i\u00e7in ABD\u2019nin kanatlar\u0131 alt\u0131nda kalmay\u0131 tercih mi ediyor?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Transatlantik mimari 70 y\u0131ld\u0131r Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n tam anlam\u0131yla kendi ayaklar\u0131 \u00fczerinde durmas\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fvik etmedi. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n \u201cyeterince g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ama tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olmayan\u201d bir konumda kalmas\u0131, Washington i\u00e7in stratejik bir avantaj sa\u011fl\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
O y\u00fczden mesele sadece ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k de\u011fil; ABD\u2019nin Avrupa \u00fczerindeki stratejik yat\u0131r\u0131m modeli.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Avrupa da bu durumdan \u015fik\u00e2yet\u00e7i de\u011fil; zira kendi savunma y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc omuzlamaktan ka\u00e7\u0131nmak maliyet olarak \u00e7ok daha cazip.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k: Kimin kime ihtiyac\u0131 var?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir \u00fclke tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011fil. T\u00fcrkiye-NATO, Avrupa-ABD ili\u015fkilerinde g\u00f6r\u00fcnen tablo asl\u0131nda \u015fu ger\u00e7e\u011fe i\u015faret ediyor:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Her akt\u00f6r, kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndakine ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu kadar, kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki taraf\u0131ndan ihtiya\u00e7 duyulman\u0131n sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fc de kullan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
T\u00fcrkiye NATO\u2019ya askeri ve co\u011frafi g\u00fc\u00e7 kat\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
NATO T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye k\u00fcresel bir siyasi platform sa\u011fl\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Avrupa ABD\u2019ye g\u00fcvenlik ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131s\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
ABD Avrupa\u2019ya ekonomik istikrar ve siyasi me\u015fruiyet i\u00e7in ihtiya\u00e7 duyuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu ili\u015fkiler a\u011f\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir taraf tek ba\u015f\u0131na g\u00fc\u00e7 de\u011fil; hi\u00e7bir taraf tek ba\u015f\u0131na zay\u0131f de\u011fil. As\u0131l g\u00fc\u00e7, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 y\u00f6netebilme kapasitesinde yat\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
D\u00fcnyay\u0131 daha g\u00fcvenli mi k\u0131l\u0131yor, daha k\u0131r\u0131lgan m\u0131?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Geldi\u011fimiz noktada sorulmas\u0131 gereken soru \u015fu:
Bu kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131klar a\u011f\u0131, d\u00fcnyay\u0131 daha istikrarl\u0131 bir gelece\u011fe mi g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcyor, yoksa daha k\u0131r\u0131lgan bir jeopolitik ortama m\u0131 s\u00fcr\u00fckl\u00fcyor?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bir yanda ittifaklar\u0131n esnekli\u011fi art\u0131yor; di\u011fer yanda ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 stratejik k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131klar b\u00fcy\u00fcyor. NATO\u2019nun T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ABD\u2019ye, ABD\u2019nin Avrupa\u2019ya ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin NATO\u2019ya ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, belki de modern d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck paradoksu:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olmak, bir ba\u015fkas\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 duymakla m\u00fcmk\u00fcn h\u00e2le geliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n